Tag Archive for 'digital britain'

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An observation on British broadband #2


One of my long-term predictions has been that Service Providers will ultimately disappear as we know them today.

They were a necessary middle-man when we were trying coax our voice-grade network into the internet-era; dial-up internet evolved from banks of modems providing access to bulletin boards and mail hosts to an interconnected inter-net.

Now we are moving towards a network purpose designed for data that treats voice as just another service, there is something of an assumption that ISPs as we have come to know them will remain an important part of the supply chain – the necessary link between retail customers and the telecommunications core.

We can see that evidenced in the EU’s assumption that open access networks will provide multiple layers of competition, and the initial focus of Ofcom’s work began with a replacement for level 2 services which form the basis of today’s ISP services (in fact it doesn’t feel like they’ve moved much beyond level 2 access).

But its worth remembering what happened in the UK when the regulator mandated access to the first-mile copper network, the so called local loop; ISPs rushed to compete at an infrastructure level, not on a virtualised network but using  real networks. It suggests the industries preferred competitive battle-ground and the regulators may not be exactly the same.

In the days of dial-up modems, your ISP provided transit from their network to the internet, your email address and web-space. Today, most people prefer Gmail and consider Facebook their web hosts, leaving ISP’s as little more than resellers of internet transit. No wonder they seeks areas to differentiate!

Returning to today’s next generation transition, there has been a clear reluctance among ISPs to engage and commit to next generation developments. While much of the debate has been on the cost and complexity of creating new software interfaces to manage layer 2 Active Line Access (ALA – what BT calls GEA) services, lying behind this , I suspect, is a deeper preference to find a realistic substitute for local loop unbundling, where ISPs can retain their ability to compete using physical and not virtual networks.

If this is true, then perhaps it should not have been a surprise that the first formal, unequivocal request from a service provider to next generation network builders was for physical network access – Virgin’s offer to use a wavelength to extend their cable coverage to new areas where a full -to-the-premises network exists.

Physical network control provides greater scope to form the service layer in your own image – to differentiate the customer experience, matching it your brand and aims.

While the arguments from the rest of the service provider  for not joining the next generation party have focussed on the complexity of software system interconnection, this is really a facet of the cost and complexity of administering virtual networks – physical network interconnection is typically a much simpler process with fewer variables.

So was the work on ALA a waste?

Absolutely and unequivocally no!

A smart and flexible layer 2 framework is what will release the – the operators. While service providers appear to want to move down the network stack, their place will be filled by application and content providers. The capabilities of a smart will unleash the creativity of social media companies, application developers and the content delivery companies.

ALA should be promoted to Sony and Google as much, if more than, to TalkTalk and Plusnet.

Am I bothered that some next generation networks appear vertically integrated? If their intentions are monopolistic, then very much so. If however, they are creating a platform for services and using ALA to actively encourage new service delivery models, then I’m less concerned – in many ways I suspect they will become the pioneers of a new internet era.

So what is the impact of all this?

If internet service provision does move further towards physical network provisioning, then we need to understand one key message: Who ever lights the service owns the customers and controls their access to the digital world. This is the true root of the net neutrality debate.

While it is true that whoever builds the passive cabling has a natural geographical monopoly, whoever lights the service has a natural monopoly over people and businesses. That is one of the key strengths of ALA – it breaks the chains, putting control over the digital experience in the hands of customers and the services they value.

In this regard, it perhaps matters less about having a choice over who lights the service but much more important about how they light it. Getting this right will move the internet message away from bits and bytes and towards stuff that matters to us – the services we value.

So for Ofcom, two messages should be very clear:

  1. More progress needs to be made on passive infrastructure access. Its not just about ducts and polls but a passive version of ALA – a consistent framework that allows today’s ISPs to unbundle cables and reinforce their apparent desire to deliver real networks, not virtual.
  2. ALA is a brilliant mechanism but only if its purpose and opportunities are made clear. Whoever lights the cables, should be using ALA, and a new level of service competition should be created where multiple content providers are able to take advantage of the intelligence built into ALA. Ofcom needs to put its long arms around the totality of its remit, and not treat and different in some way to TV or content.

If we can get this right, the UK could become the first country to break the chains of the net neutrality debate and in the process create an exciting platform for the next wave of creative industries and social media. And we will have put to bed one of the key reasons the major ISPs aren’t fully engaging with this future.

The (broadband) world is changing


I’ve just finished a week of very different conferences and workshops which have led me to a what feels like an exciting conclusion – the world in recent weeks has shifted.

My evidence? On Friday CPEND, a partnership in rural North Dorset, hosted an event to report the findings of their broadband study. There have been many similar events over the years, looking into the nature and possible solutions to rural broadband problems. But this was very different.

The event hosted in Blandford Forum’s community hall was well attended by local people, parish and district politicians, with local MP Bob Walter putting his full support behind the work – very good to see but not something that shakes the world. However, attending in equal number were senior industry figures – people who make the decisions about where, when and how to invest in broadband.

This has been building since the autumn when hosted his blockbuster event in Cumbria, but the Blandford event wasn’t promoted as a  major headline grabbing affair – it was an event organized by a local group that had done some deep research and difficult thinking – not the sort of thing a year ago would have attracted key industry names like Alcatel-Lucent, Ericsson and Geo.

All three events this week – Jenden’s investment workshop, NextGen roadshow, and the CPEND event – showed how the three essential stakeholders (industry, public sector and community) have now found the langage and the common ground on which to engage with each other in a way I’ve not seen before – a constructive dialogue has begun, exploring how all three can work together in a common cause.

Almost entirely absent from these events were the unreasonable, one-sided demands from communities expecting someone to fix the problem for them, or the rather superior pronouncement from industry dismissing any solution other the one they had in mind, or the rather dull and unambitious public sector statements.

The last few years, since first generation broadband became established and mainstream, have been something of a roller-coaster ride but at the moment I’d have to say I’m more optimistic that we’ll solve this – together – than at any time.

12p or a fifth-of-percent


The Stakeholder Group’s (BSG) Commercial, Operational and Technical Standards (COTS) working group has written to BDUK recommending that they find their way to supporting the development of framework to ensure retail service competition on next generation networks.

This comes about two years after the team at BIS declined a proposal to do exactly that, feeling that it should be formed and funded by the industry at the recommendation of the BSG which, in turn, lead to the formation of the COTS process.

A year ago, when little progress had been made, a submission to the Technology Strategy Broad to build a market clearing system was also turned down, although that may have reflected the sometimes random nature of bidding to the TSB; one judge said the bid hadn’t understood the risks, a second said it fully understood the risks, while the third judge admitted they weren’t qualified to judge the bid.

Attempts to create a clearing system commercially also ran into treacle – enough written about that here already.

The reality is that it was always going to be necessary to create a wholesale marketplace for broadband services should the access market fragment as it has in most markets across Europe. It was obvious two years ago and its still obvious today.

If it were to cost around £1m to build a solution, it would equate to about a fifth-of-a-percent of BDUK’s £500m+ budget were the to have funded it.

Or, with about 8m premises in the final third, just 12p per customer were the industry to have funded it.

This really isn’t a big thing – other industries have done it – but, collectively, we seem to be unable to see our way around this.

This uncertainty is having a significant impact on the development of in the UK. Where schemes are developing, they are largely doing it as vertically integrated networks - not out of choice but of necessity. This is bad for the industry and customers alike, and remains a major failing in the BDUK procurement process where an open-access model is legal requirement.

Lets top sweating the small stuff!

EU State Aid Approvals and fibre


Leading from some conversations over the last couple of weeks I thought I’d have a look to see if there exists any link between EU State Aid rulings for projects and that countries ranking in the league tables. At the moment, this is little more than a work in progress while I try to understand why some countries make a big deal out of EU State Aid rules (UK tends to top the list) and how some countries seem able to make progress more efficiently  - please drop me a line if you can help!

This is what the data so far seems to suggest:

The more fibre you have, the less your feels the need to refer decisions to the EU for approval

This table ranks according to the League table, along with the the proportion of EU state aid decisions since 2003. If you’re looking for the UK, you’ll need to keep looking to the bottom of the table where you’ll find that we’re unranked by the FttH Council whilst accounting for 25% of all EU decisions, the highest proportion of any country. The UK started early as well with the first decision (in fact, the first 4!).

RankingCountryEU Decisions
1Lithuania3%
2Sweden1%
3Slovenia1%
4Estonia1%
5Denmark0%
6Slovakia0%
7Finland3%
8Netherlands4%
9Italy15%
10Latvia1%
11France5%
12Czech1%
13Portugal0%
14Bulgaria0%
UnrankedAustria3%
UnrankedCyprus1%
UnrankedGermany20%
UnrankedGreece1%
UnrankedHungary1%
UnrankedIreland4%
UnrankedSpain8%
UnrankedUK25%

At this time, there is no obvious and complete reason for this – the countries which have fewer decisions and more fibre don’t seem to have been caught breaking the rules especially – although I’m happy to be corrected. There, however, are a few possible partial explanations:

  • Many EU broadband projects tend to use templates from previous  rulings, and in fact the UK has proved to be a rich source of such templates. I’ve written about this before.
  • Most EU countries are developing national frameworks so that when public funds are used to stimulate broadband investment, the approval is essentially already done under an umbrella agreement.

At the moment, guidelines to Local Authorities refer only to the general EU guidelines on rapid broadband delivery, leaving it to each Local Authority to ensure they are not in breach of the rules – it would seem from this that the intention is for the UK not to have a specific framework agreement, which unless we learn from the approach taken by countries ranking much higher than us may mean we continue to maintain our lead on State Aid decisions and our slow deployment of fibre.

Why we should care about the US Internet “Kill switch” proposals


There is a proposal running through the US Senate at the moment which would give the President powers to shut-down critical  infrastructure, the so called “kill switch”. Apart from any concerns at a distance we might have about free speech and rights, there is an equally big issue which may be more critical to our own homeland security.

In the dawn of time, the internet was a peer network where each organisation with a network they wanted to open up linked, or inter-netted, with others on an equal basis. Since then major providers have moved into a position of some power and the equality of peering has pretty much gone. Small providers often have to club together or pass through multiple hands to get to a universal audience, so a small number of US-based infrastructure items have become critical to us as well as Americans.

Casting your mind back to the Autumn of 2008, you might remember a few days when odd things happened on the internet, where you could Skype some people and not others or reach some websites but not others, while your friends and colleagues experienced the same but it affected completely different sites and services. This was caused by a spat between Sprint and Cogent in the US, where Sprint decided to shut-down its peering relationship with Cogent (see here for a reminder).

Because peering is no longer egalitarian, a significant amount of the UK internet traffic needed to pass through this peering point in order for UK internet users to reach UK services; that’s why you could skype some people and not others, and why some websites disappeared but not others, and depending which way you passed through the peering point determined which services you could access.

I’m quite sure that proposals passing through the US legislature will have more safeguards than they do in Egypt and I’m sure the US President will act more calmly than Mubarak is but surely our national security should be in our hands?

While our diplomats should be ensuring we have assurances and safeguards as the law passes through Capitol Hill, we should also use this time as a moment of reflection, to make sure we have an internet that we can always use and can’t be impacted by the decisions of others far away and beyond our control.

Believing this is the last subsidy for broadband will secure better value


I’ve been getting a worrying number of messages from people close to their local authority who are concerned that they appear to preparing to give any funds to BT for a quick FttC fix rather than seeks a more permanent, albeit more challenging, solution. Hopefully these messages come to no more than the nervousness of concerned citizens but, true or not, this raises two key issues in my mind.

The first is that the alternative network builders in the UK are increasingly wary of being used as tender fodder; at least one recent high-profile tender dented their confidence. If their settled view becomes that they are simply being invited to bid in order to make up the numbers, they won’t bother. Tendering for public contracts is an expensive process, and companies need to feel they stand a reasonable chance of success before they commit the significant resources and cash. If they choose not to don’t bid then it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.

This wouldn’t be good for the economy, nor would it be a sensible way of ensuring the best value when public funds are at stake.

The second, wider point is that while developing a relationship with BT is certainly an easy solution, to cabinet is a short term technology; few analysts internationally would see BT’s current strategy as anything other than buying them time while they work out how to persuade the money markets to lend them the kind of cash needed to solve the problem.

In five years, around the time of the next general election, FttC will have run out of steam while those areas which founds ways of delivering fibre will be merrily upgrading to gigabit services and Virgin Media cable areas are likely to be enjoying 200 Mbps services; the gap between the haves and have not’s will have never been wider.

In the build up to the next general election, after five years of tough economic decisions and shared pain, will there really be a political case for central to support a further round of broadband funding, a third major public investment, simply because some areas failed to look hard enough now?

Would it really be credible for a local authority to go cap in hand when a neighbouring area was speeding ahead?

Of course BT should win contracts – they are the largest network operator with resources few others can match. But its better for everyone, BT included, if they have to work for their subsidies.

And wherever possible this should be the last significant subsidy given to the telecoms industry for at least a generation – this should be borne in mind as tenders are issued and forms are filled in.

JON heading for launch


Tomorrow is a pretty big day – after what seems like aeons the Joint Open Network concept is taking a big step towards reality as the JON Exchange launches at an event in London.

With a good line up of speakers headlined by , the Minister for Communications, and including Cable&Wireless Worldwide, Alcatel-Lucent and Talktalk, the event was quickly over subscribed so we’re already looking to host a follow-up event and have taken the opportunity to speak at the NexGen10 conference in a couple of weeks.

With some key appointments being announced tomorrow and our fairly aggressive time-line towards live dates in the UK and key markets across Europe, it looks like the coming months will be pretty busy.

Thankfully we’re putting together a great team and have some really good support from industry partners – more on that tomorrow!

Exciting times!!

Oxonline


Recently there has been a run of really good events around the country, and last weekend was the turn of Oxfordshire. It’s been such a manic week that I haven’t had time to write much about the event but I’ve had several requests for my presentation from the event. The wonders of Powerpoint mean the slides doesn’t run too well in anything other than Office 2010 so feeling I needed to do something I’ve converted the slide-deck a video. So here is the (so far silent) movie:

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7in2JudXvj4

When I get a moment I’ll try to add a narrative and make it slightly less dull.

How successful would Finland’s broadband policy be here?


At the NextGen Road-show event in Edinburgh this week, Professor Michael Fourman gave a fascinating talk on the special challenges for delivering in Scotland. At the heart of his work were some maps which very effectively demonstrated the impact the Finnish ’s broadband policy might have on some of the more remote areas of Scotland as well as a GIS-based estimate of how much it might cost to deliver it.

Heavily summarised, Finland’s policy says that there should be a  back-haul connection within 2km of any ; and they define a as an area containing at least 70 people per square kilometre.

I was left wondering how effective this policy might be across England and Wales, as well as Scotland.  I don’t have to hand the core network details that Prof. Fourman used to calculate the costs of delivering the policy nor the time just at the moment to build the shortest-distance spanning tree model he used, so I’ve restricted myself to simply looking at where Finland’s policy might reach that the market won’t.

Finland's broadband policy applied to England & Wales The map (click on it to see it life-size) depicts in green the areas which the policy would deliver a fibre to, and the black is the extent of market-led next generation broadband according to DCLG’s 65% model. A first glance says “so what – doesn’t seem very impressive”. However this is where maps have the power to overstate a problem. Using the 2001 census, there would be 11,946,819 (don’t you love computer precision!) English and Welsh people who remained without broadband when 65% of the UK was already enjoying it. Applying the Finnish policy reduces this figure to just 275,451 – or in other words, increases the reach of from 65% to 94% of the population.

The Finnish broadband policy would reach 94% of the English and Welsh population

Of course this is academic without the costs that Prof. Fourman generated, but it is a powerful example of how the village pump model that MP is advocating. So how many of these green areas are close to a Primary School, Library or GP whose existing broadband connections could be upgraded and converted into a Village Pump?

Rating success or land-grabs?


I’ve one final piece to get off my chest about the VOA’s “clarification” on business rates applied to networks, and its about the upside-down nature of the rules and how the new framework exacerbates an already difficult situation.

The old rules taxed fibre owners for homes passed regardless of whether anyone bought a service. The new rules almost triple the tax but apply it only to homes connected.

So the old rules penalised investment but the tax could be mitigated against a successful drive to build take-up. The new rules still penalise take-up but now mitigate in favour of land-grabs to keep other providers out rather than in driving take-up – and the ones which are most heavily penalised are likely to be companies specialising in green field developments where they are unlikely to achieve much less than 100% of the homes as the default telecoms infrastructure. (remember BT has special treatment, so this only applies to alternative providers).

The new VOA rules would seem to imply an almost tripling of the tax bill for green field network builders.

The new made it clear it wanted to encourage, enforce if necessary, infrastructure sharing but these new rules encourage a more monopolistic mindset – build to stop others building, and make just enough revenue to cover the costs – oh, and make the architecture so esoteric it could never support infrastructure competition anyway.

The VOA has shown no signs that they are even beginning to understand anything the Government has said since coming to power. Had they chosen to develop rules which moulded the rates system around Government policy they might have recommended a system which:

  • Reduced or eliminated business rates on new fibre investments in Ofcom Market 1 areas where there is currently no investment rather than the opposite
  • Favoured led “” smaller-scale networks over national carriers rather than the opposite
  • Penalised idle assets and favoured shared and used assets rather then the opposite

I try to avoid clear attacks like this my blog but the VOA appears to have worked against the key policies of BIS, DCMS, DCLG and DEFRA, while creating a framework so arbitrary and complex that the Treasury can’t possibly have any confidence in any figures estimating the revenue it will generate.

The National Audit Office was scrapped for a less fulsome opposition – can we hope the VOA has a similar fate awating?

Rant over.

I’d really like to thank Pauline Rigby for joining me on our journey to understand the VOA rules. We both felt uncomfortable writing politically charged articles like this one of mine but it was clear this was a major issue for the industry we both care about.



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